• ["The results provide no evidence that the laws reduce or increase rates of violent crime."]
  Kovandzic, Marvell and Vieraitis, "The Impact of 'Shall-Issue' Concealed Handgun Laws on Violent Crime Rates," Homicide Studies (November 2005, pp. 292-323).

• ["[W]e show that in most states shall issue laws have been asociated with more crime."]
  Ayres and Donohue, Shooting Down the More Guns, Less Crime Hypothesis (tables) Stanford Law Review (forthcoming 2002) [county dataset (STATA)] [other datasets (STATA)] [do files (STATA)] [excel files].

  _________, Nondiscretionary Concealed Weapons Laws: A Case Study of Statistics, Standards of Proof and Public Policy, 1 American Law and Economics Review 436 (1999).

• Lott, John R. Jr., More Guns, Less Crime: A Response to Ayres and Donohue, Yale Law & Economics Research Paper No. 247 (September 1, 1999).
• ["[T]he deterrence results are robust enough to make them difficult to dismiss as unfounded, particularly those findings about the change in violent crime trends. The substitution effects [criminals substituting property crimes for violent crimes] are not robust with respect to different model specifications."]
  Bartley and Cohen, The Effect of Concealed Weapons Laws: An Extreme Bound Analysis, Economic Inquiry (April 1998). (This article comments further on the study.)

• Benson and Mast, Privately Produced General Deterrence, The Journal of Law and Economics (October 2001).

• [" Our results show that the expected effect of the law on crime varies across the counties and states and depends on county-specific characteristics. Such effects appear to be much smaller and more mixed than Lott and Mustard suggest, and are not crime-reducing in most cases. We also show that police and private guns are compliments in reducing crime."]
  Dezhbakhsh and Rubin, The Effect of Concealed Handgun Laws on Crime: Beyond the Dummy Variables, Working Paper (January 1999).

• ["We reconsider evidence on the deterrence hypothesis. We conclude that these data do not support a firm statistical conclusion one way or the other. The burden of proof remains shifted, against those who would assert on the basis of their priors that these laws must lead to increased crime. However, we argue that the evidence leads to no other conclusion but that these laws are a statistical 'wash.'"]
  Harrison, Kennison, and Macedon, Crime and Concealed Gun Laws: A Reconsideration, (April 2000).

• ["We find that the effect of shall-issue laws on crime is much less well-estimated than the Mustard and Lott (1997) and Lott (2000) results suggest. We also find, however, that the cross equation restrictions implied by the Lott-Mustard theory are supported."]
  Helland and Tabarrok, Using Placebo Laws to Test "More Guns, Less Crime," (January 2004).

• ["We posit that significant differences exist within geographic areas, and that permit holders reside in areas not prone to high levels of violent crime."]
  Hood and Neely, Packin' in the Hood?: Examining Assumptions of Concealed-Carry Research, Social Science Quarterly, Volume 81, Number 2 (June, 2000).

• ["We present numerous model specifications, and find little evidence that the law reduces or increases violent crime."]
  Kovandzic and Marvell, Right-to-Carry Concealed Handguns and Violent Crime: Crime Control Through Gun Decontrol?, published in July issue of Criminology and Public Policy. (Link is to draft copy.)

• ["My results suggest that shall-issue laws have resulted, if anything, in an increase in adult homicide rates."]
  Ludwig, Jens Otto, Concealed-Gun-Carrying Laws and Violent Crime: Evidence from State Panel Data, Working Paper (May 5, 1998).

• ["County-level crime data have major gaps, and the imputation schemes for filling in the gaps are inadequate and inconsistent. Such data were used in a recent study of guns and crime without considering the errors resulting from imputation. This note describes the errors and how they may have affected this study. Until improved methods of imputing county-level crime data are developed, tested, and implemented, they should not be used, especially in policy studies." (GunCite: Lott examines state-level data in the second edition of "More Guns Less Crime.")]
  Maltz and Targonsky, A note on the Use of Country-Level UCR Data, to appear in the Journal of Quantitative Criminology, September 2002.
  • Lott and Whitley, A Note on the Use of County-Level UCR Data: A Response, (July 1, 2002).

• ["Overall, right-to-carry concealed weapons laws tend to reduce violent crime. The effect on property crime is more uncertain. I find evidence that these laws also reduce burglary."]
  Moody, Carlisle E., Testing for the Effects of Concealed Weapons Laws: Specification Errors and Robustness, The Journal of Law and Economics, October 2001.

• ["Allowing law-abiding citizens to carry concealed weapons does not endanger the lives of officers, and may help reduce their risk of being killed."]
  Mustard, David, The Impact of Gun Laws on Police Deaths, Working Paper (December 1999).

• ["Although we also found that firearm homicides decreased, and to a greater extent than did Lott and Mustard, our results indicate that there was an increase in nonfirearm homicides. When combined, both our assessment and the original one performed by Lott and Mustard indicate that the law is associated with a decrease in total homicides, although the magnitude of the effects differed."]
  Olson and Maltz, Right-to-Carry Concealed Weapon Laws and Homicide in Large U.S. Counties: The Effect on Weapon Types, Victim Characteristics, and Victim-Offender Relationships, The Journal of Law and Economics (October 2001).

• ["[W]e... examine the geographical and dynamic effects of right-to-carry laws on reported homicides, rapes, and robberies. We find that the effects of such laws vary across crime categories, U.S. states, and time, and that such laws appear to have statistically significant deterrent effects on the numbers of reported murders, rapes, and robberies."]
  Plassman and Tideman, Geographical and Temporal Variations in the Effects of Right-to-Carry Laws on Crime, Journal of Economic Literature, (November 17, 1999).

• ["Analyzing county-level data for the entire United States from 1977 to 2000, we find annual reductions in murder rates between 1.5% and 2.3% for each additional year that a right-to-carry law is in effect. For the first five years that such a law is in effect, the total benefit from reduced crimes usually ranges between approximately $2 billion and $3 billion per year."]
  Plassman and Whitley, Confirming More Guns, Less Crime, Stanford Law Review, (April, 2003).